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Ferreira de Castro, Emigrantes. Lisboa: Guimaraes, They were, therefore, individuals known by a sort of double image: in Brazil they were called Portuguese, and in Portugal, Brazilians.
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Most of them began their life in Brazil in unskilled positions. Most of those who returned spent little time in Brazil— around a decade, if that long. The probably most notorious— and scandalous—case is that of Joaquim Ferreira dos Santos Porto, — , Count Ferreira. The son of farm workers, he emigrated to Brazil around , made a fortune in businesses that included slave trading, returned to his native land, and is celebrated until today for his philanthropic works in Brazil and Portugal, including the founding of hospitals, churches and public schools in the North and South of Portugal.
Porto: Livraria Chardron, n. Domingos Tavares, Casas de brasileiro. Porto: Dafne, An architecture that arises in areas of peripheral urbanity located above all in the north of Portugal. And a leafy garden with arbors, ponds and artificial caves, palm. In terms of their implantation, these houses tend to stand out from their surroundings, almost always located on elevations or along roadsides. If we observe the urban houses constructed by Portuguese in the same period in Brazil, we will find a continuous process of influences and intercrossings, in which it is difficult to identify a point of origin.
What transformations are already visible, and what can be expected from the transposition now underway, to Portugal, in regard to the typical habits and ways of life of the Brazilian elite? It is too early to reach any conclusions. But if this architecture bears relation to a new migratory cycle, we must also consider the already existing or future impacts. See Miguel Monteiro, op. Or the castle of D. They will prepare documents to obtain passports, also for free.
Jornal de Cantanhede, n. The controversy around the railroad project mostly involved its social environmental impact, since it would cross indigenous territories and preservation areas in the Amazon forest. Accessed on January 14, Os dias da Troika. Lisbon: Note, Lisbon: Salamandra, Porto: Afrontamento, Palacete Marques Gomes. Casas de Brasileiro.
It is not surprising, in any case, that one of the stockholders of the international airport of Rio de Janeiro is the same Chinese group HNA that in recent years also became a stockholder of two of the largest airline companies of Portugal and Brazil TAP and Azul. The recent and simultaneous investments by China in the airport sector of the two countries indicates that a path is being constructed between Asia and South America via Europe, a sort of new silk route, now aerial and transoceanic.
Ana Luiza Nobre Rio de Janeiro, is an architect and architecture critic and historian. Brazilian culture has historically been marked by the miscegenation of foreigners and locals. In contemporary Brazil, the concept of the urban immigrant is increasingly present in the quotidian of cities due to the rapid domestic migratory movement.
New tendencies for such movement have arisen as a response to economic recessions and social crisis that the country underwent in the last 20 years, resulting in an unprecedented flow of people both between metropolises and between rural and urban areas. This approach aims at visualizing and understanding the scale of these waves of displacement that make ever more complex the composition of the social and urban panoramas of Brazil.
Today, although legal immigrants make up less than one percent of the Brazilian population, these groups point at important cultural ties, historical events, and technological possibilities surrounding the. The intimate relationship between the intensified exchange of goods in the mercantilist era and the establishment of the modern nation-state is further expressed in the influx of nationalities such as Spanish, Italian, Japanese, French, and Dutch in the first couple of centuries after the arrival of the Portuguese in Brazil. Shortly after the crisis of succession in Portugal and the consequent formation of the Iberian Union in , the then Portuguese possessions in South America were violently contested by the Netherlands and France.
Both nations sought to rival the Iberian power in trading sugar and African slaves.
During the 17th century, about twenty thousand Dutch immigrants lived in northeast Brazil. From the 18th to the 20th century, as later stages of capital exchange developed alongside communication technologies, war conflicts, and systemic economic crisis, Brazil remained attractive to immigrants from European countries suffering from economic recessions and shortage of employment, such as Germany after its unification in During this period, most immigrants arriving to the country were Italian and Japanese - the latter arriving after the Italian government reacted to the precarious conditions of life reported by Italians in Brazil with a decree that prohibited subsidized immigration to the country.
Today, immigration to Brazil follows patterns of displacement motivated by similar issues than those of a century ago. Leaving their native countries for reasons related to wars, persecution, or simply dreams and hopes of a better life, millions of men and women wish—consciously or not—to be a part of the country. It is worth noting. This condition triggered an unprecedented flow of people between metropolises but also between rural and urban areas.
These new narratives of immigration are the main subject of this section, which aims to visualize and understand the scale of these waves of displacement that make ever more complex the composition of the social and urban panoramas of Brazil. This way, it exposes the immigrant as a force that successfully challenges the walls represented by traditionally defined geographic limits.
Yet, it also shows barriers further imposed to the free circulation of people, narrated by immigrant groups as an antagonistic attitude expressed in frustrated expectations, prejudice, language adjustments, and overly bureaucratic processes. The directors reveal the presence of the physical body as the ultimate space in which segregation occurs, reinforcing the multiplicity of scales in which immigration can be read as a political act.
That is to say that many of these bodies, although having successfully crossed geographic borders, still live at the margin of a society that estranges them with other walls. While the work of Carla and Eliane Caffe documents and speculates on a marginal space where this dynamics of power takes place, Ana C. Tonetti and Ligia Nobre,. As shown in the photographs of Rivane Neuenschwander, sites like the old Cambridge Hotel—and others, in their reference to geographical locations outside the political borders of Brazil—depict how immigrants and the global economy has an impact in local Brazilian society.
In the end, even in the most simple towns, one finds the desire to belong to a global culture. THE MAP In order to map recent trends in the movement of people in the Brazilian territory, the map summarizes migratory flows of over a million people during the period between and Dividing them in incoming flux of refugees, incoming flux of international immigrants, and domestic migration flows, the graphics indicate the direction and intensity of this movement.
Additionally, the timeline accompanying the map allows the visualization of the total absolute number of people immigrating, according to their country of origin. In this same section, the increase or decrease in the flows is also visible, represented in a yearly basis. Some of them migrated for work opportunity, others immigrated or sought asylum looking to improve their life conditions. Their paths are enumerated, and joined with their personal stories describing feelings and obstacles while crossing different kinds of borders until their arrival in Brazil.
She studied cinema in Cuba and the aesthetics of art in Spain. As director and screenwriter, her first feature film, Kenoma , was shown at the 56th Venice Biennale. She works in the fields of art and design direction. She is a professor at the school of architecture and urbanism at Escola da Cidade and teaches workshops at Sesc Pompeia. Walls What appear to be the main barriers that immigrants encounter in their struggle for access to housing?
This cultural shock comes in the form of simple things. These differences appear in a very violent way in a universe of conflict zones. It is really harsh and intense. We really do not understand. They carefully select what they tell us. CC: Physical presence. EC: The level of disease that exists in these bodies and the enormous suffering. These are vulnerable people and, in their desperation, they get involved with drug trafficking.
CC: When we speak about refugees, we think in the abstract. These are very different worlds and there is an enormous segregation between them, as well as among us. The world of refugees is a diverse one, but we lump them all into a single category. EC: Perhaps this is one of the bricks that build this wall.
When a wall is finally torn down, we see that there is another behind it. Our system is reaching a very high level of cruelty; everything revolves around capital and forms of exploitation. Exploitation occurs on every level: social networks, biennials, festivals, universities. What does it mean to continue repeating it? The consequence is enriching a few while leaving many in abject poverty. Behind the wars that resulted in these searches for refuge, there are human beings that coordinate them. If we believe that war is part of human nature, we become used to the building of walls. CC: Walls are these bubbles in which we live.
With social networks we are becoming more inward-looking, discussing issues only amongst our own groups. We forget the presence of the body.
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It is the body that leaves the comfort zone; we are able to perceive others only when we pass over these walls. We can see the importance of this through Carnival, when we rid ourselves of all borders, exposing ourselves in a way that does not happen the rest of the year. Experience in the discipline How is the subjectivity of the immigrant and low-income population—the social categories most impacted by difficulties in accessing housing—affected during this process of struggle? What type of collective body arises from this meeting of a context of vulnerability and struggle for a common roof? EC: We perceive a clear change in this subjectivity, above all with Africans, and in their understanding of what is a collective activity.
We perceive this difficulty when doing grassroots work with the immigrants there in the occupation. CC: These are people who live in conflict zones and are stripped of their right to housing. During the film we use play to help get beyond the language barrier. It was through games that the collective could get along. Behavior and micro-politics What experience in crossing divides did you gain from contact with the movements struggling for housing? What role can cinema and docufiction play in this discussion? CC: The film Era o Hotel Cambridge was able to create an understanding between various nationalities, among six languages.
The relationship between architecture and cinema was interesting and very fertile. At this moment the powerful counterpart begins and through it we were able to access that territory. At the same time we were asking for something, we were also offering something. A kind of reciprocity and affection developed between the parties, who recognized that they needed each other for that to happen.
When we are present, our tools are our senses. We read about a subject, but when we deal with it in person we capture other levels of the problem. CC: In the first calls to form a collective for the film, no adults came, only children. They were the ones who brought the adults, little by little, to the theater workshops.
I would never have thought of, considered or imagined this work method. It was the result of being present. EC: Children take the subject matter into the home and the family opens up to us. This is one of the methods that emerged. Transformative potential What type of power and new uses for urban space can you see emerging from the relationship between Brazilian cultural diversity and contemporary immigrants? EC: There is no public policy to assimilate these immigrants into society.
They tend to isolate themselves in ghettos with those with similar backgrounds. This creates a closed system of codes that drives prejudice. The housing movements are perhaps a way of facing this problem head-on, but we are far from resolving it. As long as we are marked by the hegemonic presence of capital, of the marketplace, which permeate everything, it will not be possible. A concrete example is that, in just a few days, newly arrived migrants become slaves of the factories in the neighborhood of Bom Retiro.
They are hired by construction companies to lay marble but they are not paid. The vast majority are being enslaved. If they try to escape this system, they are automatically co-opted by drug traffickers. We will not be able to implement a policy of assimilation while there is still hunger. CC: A refugee is already the result of an exploitative relationship. This idea that Brazilians are generous and open to new cultures is not true.
EC: The system protects itself by creating masks that make us accept circumstances as something normal. Everyone criticizes the government, but no one talks about the companies. Those of us who put on festivals and biennials are born into this context and are unable to see that it is a system that exploits and profits.
The work was organized around a lunch at the 9 de Julho Occupation,1 in January The meeting brought together more than a hundred people, including organizers, guests, cooks and other stakeholders, with participation from 23 families of migrants, immigrants and refugees—some of them residents in this occupied building.
We got to know these families that hail not only from other regions of Brazil but also from the Congo, Angola, Ghana, Peru, Paraguay, Venezuela and Haiti. In addition to access to housing, they mentioned financial difficulties, the search for work, inadequate public services—such as transportation and healthcare—the Portuguese language, inflexibility of the bureaucracy, illegal status, racism, isolation and fear of death as some of the main problems faced in this metropolis of 20 million people. The journeys of these families also show the tangible and intangible borders that mark our territories, whether they be in the.
Their many stories evoke strong emotions and point to some of the challenges in observing human rights in Brazil. In addition to the adversities experienced by these families, it is evident, in our opinion, that dialogue and contact can help to build new ways forward. These points of discourse need to be developed and understood, since they can illuminate new paths for contemporary cities. Those interested would have to pay a fee to cover travel expenses, having as a guarantee a job placement when they reached their destination: the construction site of Terminal 3 at Guarulhos International Airport.
Upon arriving at the large construction site, workers from Pernambuco joined other workers from various parts of the country. The NEC. These project diagrams clearly show the systemic relationship between contractors and the State. They are basically the same actors in both situations. After a few days, only part of the group was hired and there was no forecast for new hires:. Nobre, Gilberto Mariotti and Joana Barossi eds. The three books used as bibliography for the preparation of this text were published by the Projeto Contracondutas and are distributed free of charge and can be accessed at: www.
TAC is a repressive legal instrument, whereby the sued company undertakes promptly to comply with the laws and reimburse those involved.
Thirty-eight men would have to live in a property with three bedrooms and only one bathroom. There were no furniture, beds, or mattresses […] Every two days there was no water […] There was little or nothing to eat […] As there was no work and no salary, many asked for food in the neighborhood or got into debt. At a site like Terminal 3, they are employed to carry out smaller services, such as the loading of cement bags and rubble. Such a building site, focused on productivity and profit, does not contribute to the formation of the workforce, does not care about its working or health conditions, and does not consider that a constructive matrix could be devised that takes the human being and its activity as a guiding element of the project.
According to the journalist Sabrina Duran, outsourcing, which makes oversight and the attribution of responsibilities difficult, pulverizes hirings that are already based on low sums negotiated between principal and subcontracted contractors, in a chain effect that makes it impossible to comply with legal obligations and allows for abuses and violations. This action is also the result of serious work done in Brazil since , when the federal government recognized the existence of slave labor in the country.
The conditions analogous to slavery presented in this case are not an exception, but a recurrent situation on the global scale of the contemporary civil construction industry. In Brazil, these degrading labor conditions also reverberate the continuity of slavery, insofar as the majority of the Brazilian population remains excluded from social and political rights, as the historian Rodrigo Bonciani points out.
If the case of the TAC happened in , on the eve of the World Cup, the Projeto Contracondutas began in , concomitant with the impeachment of the democratically. These reforms suppress historic social achievements obtained over the last thirty years, articulating the full outsourcing of middle and end business activities, as well as the extension of working hours, in a total entanglement between private and public dimensions.
Seminars, workshops, studies, reports, a documentary, public artistic interventions, lectures, editorials, essays, and publications, were inserted in the curricular structure of the Escola in order to amplify its already remarkable stand in the public sphere. Contracondutas approached different publics, collaborators, and institutions focused on teaching and culture, bringing together more than participants— from multiple practices and fields of knowledge—into heterogeneous constellations, which allowed crossovers between academia and society, architecture and politicoaesthetic practices.
The choice of title, Contracondutas [Counter-Conducts], came from a critical and reflective position on the term conduct, as developed by Michel Foucault,9 to refer to the techniques and procedures that work for the conduction of a set of individuals. We were interested in the ambivalent character of the term, emphasized by Foucault, since a particular conduct also implies the way we allow ourselves to be conducted, and how we behave under the effect of the conductive act.
The Counter-Conducts project potentializes taking a stand in the face of about the vision of the contemporary labor statute and its implications for architecture and civil construction within the current Brazilian socio-political context and within the globalized structural context of capital.
What is the role of the architect and the architectural project in reducing or increasing violence at the construction site? How to confront the great infrastructure works that consume the environment and destroy ways of life? How do these regional realities fit into a globalized world? All these questions were precisely synthesized by a rhetorical image proposed by the journalist Sabrina Duran: If the hoarding that surround and hide the building sites of large-scale constructions were removed, what would a passer-by see?
With numerous social reverberations, the project is the first element to be attacked by outside interests, bargaining, and by lobbies that seek to compromise its technical and ethical coherence. This law confiscates from the architects the conception and control over the whole, further weakening the transparency of bidding processes subject to the pressures of the politico-financial scenario.
Architecture is thus also implicated in this precarious labor system, with the outsourcing of contracts, partial work regimes, absence of employment contracts, and exhaustive days, in an unequal equation between the profits of the managers and exposure to risk by the architects. The possibilities for design intervention in construction of site work relations represent an important dimension. Her lecture also resulted in a text published in the book Contracondutas. Counter-Conducts Diagram. The artist Vitor Cesar appropriated pre-existing visual schemes, associated with the notion of the public sphere to create diagrams that document the process of the Counter-Conducts project.
This diagram was based on the centrality of the relationship between architecture and labour in order to name artistic interventions and academic studies, understood as a politico-pedagogical process, and thus to relate the parts highlighting essential definitions and quotations. This term, coined by Felicity Scott,12 exposes the ambivalent relations between control and care inherent to architecture that, on the one hand, turns to social, environmental, populational, and cultural questions, but, on the other, inserts itself into complex systemic processes, with layers of opacity, subject to constantly having their intentions captured by the inversions of signs.
The discussions raised here reverberated together with the projects and mappings present in this Brazilian pavilion for the 16th International Architecture Exhibition - Venice Biennial, and seek to contribute to a necessary critical moment in which reflection on the changes of direction in the professional and educational activities is informing new and different ways of thinking, acting and producing collectively, and thus expanding what architecture can establish. She is a teacher at the Escola da Cidade, where she coordinates the sequence of disciplines focused on means of expression and drawing.
She articulates different action strategies, bringing together art and architecture. She is part of O Grupo Inteiro. She works at the crossroads between art and architecture. Today, however, the scenario is different. We are talking about an estimated , immigrants among more than million Brazilians. This is not very much when compared to countries like the United States, which has the largest absolute number of immigrants in its population, or countries recognized for specific policies to attract foreigners, like Canada and Australia.
These graphs present a compilation of data that allows us to see immigration throughout Brazilian history. In the updated version, the flow of foreigners takes on new dimensions, but also raises old questions. Is Brazil ready and willing to welcome these people? How should the country control their entry and regulate their permanence?
What are the effects, from a social and cultural standpoint? Up until now, the investment appears to have been greater in the legal and institutional context. Since May , the country has had a new Immigration Law, which replaced the Statute of Foreigners, originally formulated during the military dictatorship, in Efforts in terms of documentation and regularization of this population are underway. But how do we evaluate the impact that this diversity of cultures has on the daily life of many Brazilian cities?
We are faced with new urban dynamics, many times with entire neighborhoods transformed into veritable ethnic territories, capable of mobilizing, among other things, the economy, housing market, public services, in addition to promoting new cultural experiences. The data show a new pattern of migration, with different countries of origin, reflecting local crises and global geopolitical issues. In other words, they are in the prime of their productive lives. The Brazilian southeast is by far the most sought after region.
At the same time, it is clear that we are faced with a new cycle of cultural negotiations in which the possibilities of exchange will have, as in other times, huge implications for Brazilian identity. She has worked as director of international organizations and consultant to the World Bank and Inter-American Development Bank. Paulo newspaper and develops projects in data visualization and information design. Of those who immigrated between and , according to data from the Federal Police immigrants. The names of the professions come from Federal Police records and were adapted to improve comprehension.
For example, salesman includes: sales clerk, shopkeeper, traveling salesman, door-to-door salesman, newspaper salesman and similar professions. Seamstress includes: decorator, tailor, dressmaker, furrier, tapestry maker and similar professions. Bricklayer includes: bricklayer assistant, tilelayer, plasterer, glazier and similar professions.
Around the globe, the development of cities is intrinsically linked to the primary production: agriculture, livestock raising and the extractive industries. Since the first civilizations, humans have always chosen to settle in places where their subsistence was possible. Over the course of history, however, with the rise of technological mechanisms and the idea of an external market, the primary production began to generate continuous surpluses; more than subsistence, it became wealth.
The development of a worldwide system around this production added particularities to what is generically called today the commodities market. This term defines products with less value added by industrial processes, but necessary for a wide range of economies and societies. As an essentially agricultural and exporting country, with a history marked by large cycles sugar, gold, coffee , Brazil has developed a significant role in the global production of primary products. It ranks among the 25 largest exporters worldwide, selling mainly soybeans, iron ore, sugar, petroleum and chicken meat.
But why deal with an economic and rural theme, if we are talking about architecture and urbanism? Although the large tracts of land involved in primary production are far from the large cities, the main destination for their products, yet today, is the Brazilian coast. The vast territory, with an area greater than 8 million square kilometers, and the.
Historically, this infrastructure was implemented in a disconnected way, without integrated planning and, as pointed out by Sergio Besserman in his interview, without economic rationale.
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The result was the predominance of a transportation model by diesel-powered trucks, without prominent railroads or river barge routes in a country with one of the largest potentials for waterways in the world. In a scenario of global policies of reduction in carbon emissions, Brazil began from a backward position, with a slow, burdensome system of considerable environmental impact. There are other questions linked to this distribution. Since a large part of the Brazilian primary production originates in the continental portion of the country, especially in the Central-West, and the export facilities are, invariably, on the East Coast, an enormous flow of heavy trucks must pass through areas of greater population density and urbanization—the large metropolises.
Therefore, regions where public transport and mobility are already complex questions find themselves obliged to also think about urban networks for the circulation of merchandise. The externalities of this circulation in the intra-urban context are a theme of discussion in a wide range of places. Where to situate the arteries—referring to the urban metabolism mentioned by Philip Yang, who writes in this chapter—and the supply depots are key questions in the planning and management of Brazilian cities.
Relating origin and destination in the primary production requires a reflection on which cities and populations are being formed at these poles. Rather than being designed for the lives of their residents, they were materialized as a response to the needs of determined products. Areas of shipping and export facilities also wind up developing their structure according to their role as the site of depots.
Focused on their ports, airports or railways, like the large primary producers, they become cities of a single function. While the point of production becomes more fragile in the generation of jobs, income and living conditions, something different takes place in the cities that are along the way between sources and destinations. A systemic understanding is thus necessary: the relation of the material flows through the Brazilian territory is not uniform, and the productive sources constitute a nearly invisible wall of social inequality. In general, the producer cities have a less dynamic economy and offer fewer social opportunities.
Such understanding would also permit the rural-urban duality to be seen as a relation of complementary parts that can foster new local and regional opportunities and development. The Map The map essentially considers the landscape created by the impact of primary production in Brazil. Four questions are highlighted: the specialization of the commodities—mining especially iron , agriculture and livestock raising soybeans, chicken meat , petroleum and wood; how they circulate through the country; the composition of the trade balance; and the urban layers that are related to these dynamics.
The aim is to reveal the scale of this production which, although it is one of the main economic sources of the country, the power is not translated into progress for the social issues related to it. The map relied on various collaborations, especially that of Pedro Camargo, the developer of the project AequilibraE. He was in charge of the processing of the consolidated data regarding the movement of commodities throughout the territory.
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The national information of the logistics companies was transformed into a network of links and nodes—representing, respectively, the circulation of merchandise between the Brazilian microregions and their central points. Four main categories were considered in these flows: general bulk, liquid bulk, solid agricultural bulk and nonagricultural solid bulk. The information on imports are represented at the left, exports at the right, according to products, countries and distribution centers. Lastly, in a social layer, the map shows the population density in the Brazilian cities compared to their amount of petroleum extraction—a commodity that is used more in areas far from where it is processed—suggesting the inequalities arising from flows of material through the Brazilian territory.
Walls What are the greatest logistical and economic obstacles to the flow of goods in Brazil? The infrastructure that enables and organizes this flow was built without any economic rationale. We have never had a government capable of long-term planning and we have difficulty in developing collective solutions.
As a consequence, today we have infrastructure that suffers from low productivity: a country, continental in size, that uses diesel trucks to transport freight. In an era that could be defined by a transition to low carbon, we have very little coastal navigation, few waterways considering our potential. There is neither planning nor control over the use of land in cities, which results in unnecessary risks and impacts on the environment and the health and well-being of people.
We are experiencing a problem that is not unique to Brazil: mining, or any activity with high short-term economic returns, always attracts lots of people. When the activity ends, because the resource is exhausted, we have people left in squalid conditions and a degraded environment. Today, municipalities and large and medium-sized companies are aware of this, so some very interesting experiments are beginning to happen. This integration of science, technology and production with traditional populations.
Animals, plants and fungi need to circulate between natural environments. Behavior and micro-politics. Side effects What are the most critical socioeconomic and environmental impacts from the production and transportation of goods around Brazil? How does one balance the high demand from foreign markets, like China, and development on a local scale? From a socioeconomic standpoint, the most critical impact is from the inefficiency of our infrastructure.
The environmental impact could be huge, for two main reasons: first, risks are not always well managed; second, because of climate change. The World Bank predicts that this could potentially wipe out all the progress made on poverty over the last 20 to 30 years. It is a terrible threat that will result in wars, genocides, perverse suffering.
The greatest impact of selling commodities to the entire world tends to be the enterprise itself, even more so than its transportation. Cattle raising causes deforestation and emits greenhouse gases; agriculture causes deforestation and reduces biodiversity. But for all of this there is a solution, based on scientific and indigenous knowledge.
Farming cannot continue to use the same amount of nitrogen and phosphorus. We know that when it rains, these chemicals are carried by streams to rivers and end up creating dead zones in oceans, a problem even bigger than that of plastic. We can farm and protect reserves, by paying close attention to the connections between biomes. Alone, we cannot help nature deal with the climate change that we have created. Nature is extraordinary and very. How is the production of commodities in Brazil related to the different consumption patterns of Brazilians? How does a growth development model affect individual lifestyles?
First, Brazil is an unjust country and the most effective way to deal with poverty generated by huge inequality is to grow, grow, grow. So we are hostage to growthat-any-cost developmentalism. We have to discover how to grow with fewer impacts. Brazilian society has a hierarchy based on conspicuous consumption, an unconscionable, perverse consumption. Another interesting topic is conscientious consumption, where products must have labels that warn us if they are responsible for polluting, warming the planet, reducing biodiversity or promoting deforestation.
And how could alternative models to predatory extractivism transform our energy grid? To do this, you have to increase governance and engage everyone. An important tool for this is the Cadastro Ambiental Rural [Rural Environmental Registry — CAR] which georeferences the properties and allows any citizen to monitor for possible deforestation. We need to improve monitoring efficiency and punish those who deforest, but also create opportunities for surrounding populations and value prevention and sustainable management. Brazil has more forest area in need of restoration than any other. We could feed the world with our degraded pastures alone.
This would make a big difference in the fight against climate change. Except for our hydroelectric network, our infrastructure is from the fossil fuel age. This is a huge problem, but it is also an opportunity. If we make the transition to low-carbon infrastructure, the competitive advantages for Brazil will be extraordinary.
We can supply food, energy, materials, based on biotechnology and synthetic biology, all of it with almost zero carbon. Transformative potential Which economic or land planning mechanisms can be associated with the production and shipping of commodities to ensure conservation and prevent environmental crimes like the Rio Doce case? Improving the quality of democracy in Brazil is the best way of avoiding disaster. The greatest challenge in Brazilian infrastructure is to reorganize it more efficiently, which depends mainly on governance, and the ability to find collective solutions.
The specificities of each region need to be studied. In the Amazon, you may think that a road is a cheaper solution, but a road promotes deforestation. With the railroad, you have to go to the station, where you can control whether the timber is under management or is illegally logged. And there are also the waterways. But all of this must take into consideration that a low carbon economy will one day be a component in the price of everything, especially commodities. Supplying the cheapest and most. The awareness that cities are the largest and most complex artifacts ever created by civilizations has inspired urban studies in different fields of knowledge that go far beyond the classic discipline of urbanism.
As a result, several metaphors have emerged to represent the city, revealing the new outlooks and distinct analytical and methodological perspectives brought about by this expanded range of approaches. Semiotics and social psychology, for example, interpret the city as a sign1.
In life sciences it is viewed as a living organism and its physical networks are described as tissues,2 in an allusion to the sets of cells that make up animals and plants. A metaphor derived from biochemistry, urban metabolism3 is used to describe the energy, water, food and waste processes of cities.
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The ubiquitous presence in urban environments of commodities, understood as general products intended for commercial use, instigates the creation of yet another metaphor, derived from mechanics: the city as a machine, consumer and processor of such products. Therefore, given the ubiquity of commodities in cities,.
See the interesting article by Nikita A. New York: Oxford Library of Psychology, See the studies of urban morphology and references to the urban tissue in Saverio Muratori, Studi per una operante storia urbana di Venezia, I. Roma: Istituto poligrafico dello Stato, Libreria dello Stato, See, for example, the lines of research developed by Delft University of Technology. Available at: urbanmetabolism. Accessed on: March 20, Historically, extractive cities that did not diversify their economies, such as Ojuela in Mexico, Sewell in West Virginia US , or Copperfield in Queensland Australia , became ghost towns following depletion of the extraction resource.
Economics defines commodities as a set of products of a generic, basic and highly fungible nature, i. Among many possible categorizations, commodities may be ranked as extractive iron, copper, zinc, aluminum , energy or fossil gas, coal, oil and agricultural soy, rice, wheat. Given the broad process of commoditization of industrialized goods, one may also affirm that industrial commodities forcibly emerge as a fourth and necessary category of analysis.
They have poorly diversified economies and small markets, and therefore do not stand out as machines in the other categories. We might think of both cities as belonging to a subtype characterized by intensive extraction of non-fossil commodities and by equally intensive consumption of fossil commodities. Throughout history, trading cities have played a key role in the transfer of goods and exchange of ideas between different parts of the world.
As a side effect, trade brought wealth and capital accumulation, which made it possible to improve industrial processes such as printing and the manufacture of glass and paper, as well as promote the advancement of medicine, philosophy, astronomy and agriculture. The trade of basic goods on the Chicago Mercantile Exchange is worth one quadrillion dollars per year, although the city itself has no physical facilities associated with these transactions, which relate mainly to virtual operations performed over the entire planet.
Levels of operation, such as value adder, are certainly higher in more mature. And while such a correlation is intuitively obvious, the nuances that may be inferred from more in-depth quantitative studies are potentially revealing of less obvious social and economic causes and effects, even pulling in opposite directions. In their role as value adders, they aim to make goods that are fungible—or undifferentiated— acquire traits of differentiation. Such differentiation necessarily occurs in the field of innovation: enhancement of goods, branding and marketing, and the supply of services associated with them.
In a more constrained movement, but representative of new trends, several mature cities in the developed world whose production of commodities is currently close to zero are striving to implement agricultural production in urban areas. At the same time, many consumers in these cities have started favoring commodities with certificates of origin, and therefore differentiated, refuting the very concept of commodities, which is non-differentiation.
Non-genetically modified corn, free-range eggs, organic vegetables and antibiotic-free meat are just a few examples of products offered to consumers interested in traceability and therefore differentiation of commodities. In another example, potentially larger in scale, enhancement of 3D printing will allow, in the near future, the production of industrial commodities, currently restricted to peri-urban areas, in urban and even domestic environments.
The different examples listed in the sparse and disorderly inventory above suggest that forms of treatment and consumption of commodities in urban environments are lively indicators of various economic and social trends in cities. On the demand level, comparison of consumption rates between different types of commodities may indicate the shortcomings and virtues of each urban machine and suggest a course of action for certain sectors. One may conclude from these rambling ideas that the systematization in the machine city of an input-output framework focused on commodities may potentially generate a set of indicators capable of guiding urban.
New Jersey: Princeton University Press, Although they are less attractive to the marketplace of ideas than metaphors derived from emerging disciplines, the lines of research that advance in this approach— addressing the city-as-a-commodity-processingmachine—seem therefore worthy of the current agenda. This is especially true if we recall that the global economic restructuring initiated in the s was also accompanied by a spatial restructuring of cities, which thereafter took on different roles.
While some of them have become centers of command in the global economy, concentrating management roles,5 others remained linked to production activities. Within this economic and territorial hierarchy, the most prominent cities are those capable of managing their territories in order to induce their transformation into new innovation-producing machine cities.
When we analyze the human impact within the geographical space we note that the territorial borders are not limiting factors. Ecosystems do not respect geopolitical borders. The analysis of an ecosystem— concept that presupposes the relation between beings and physicochemical factors of the determined environments—does not involve, therefore, only visible questions. In the common definition, an ecosystem is a natural environment, without anthropic transformations. Here, however, it involves the human being and his or her interactions with the surroundings, influenced by natural, economic, cultural and social variables.
How can an ecosystem be impacted by man and vice versa? What role do geographic borders have in this? The analysis of territories such as Brazil and South America helps to understand these questions. On the scale of the city, the conflicts between man and ecosystem are constant, often linked to social factors. The rapid process of Brazilian urbanization resulted in cities where planning could not catch up to speed to the informal growth.
Industrial labor, without access to good-quality of dwellings, settled in areas without infrastructure, on the fringes of the urban centers, often in environmental protection areas. In , the Technical Assistance Law was passed,1 which guarantees low-income families earing three times the minimum wage or less, in urban or rural areas technical plans and accompaniment in the construction of a dwelling. Encompassing questions of. Although it is an important and entirely new endeavor, the law is not without its flaws: the target families are unaware of it, and because of the scarce dialogue between architects and urbanists, engineers, geologists and health technicians, it does not produce significant results.
Conflicts of an environmental order are not limited to the scale of cities only. To reach a deep understanding of our ecosystem it is necessary to consider the positive or negative externalities, in multiple scales simultaneously. In recent years, there has been a significant reduction of the Brazilian forests, especially in Amazonia. The rampant deforestation is related, on one hand, with considerable gains in exportation, and, on the other, represents a significant loss of natural ecosystems fundamental for maintaining the Brazilian and South American bio-climatic balance.
As we are reminded by Antonio Donato Nobre in his interview, the location of South America in relation to the equator ensures the continent relatively mild temperatures, which has allowed for the establishment of a significant equatorial flora, of high humidity, thanks to the vapors from the transpiration of plant life. Both Nobre as well as Paulo Tavares underscore that the agricultural, livestock raising and extractive industries should enter into harmony with the system of the Amazon forest, since its demise would have considerable impacts on the rain cycle in Brazil and in other South American.
If primary production is not reduced, its shipping and consumption will also create great environmental impacts. The construction of infrastructure for the distribution of these products devastates green lands with paved highways that aggravate the problem of soil impermeability. On the urban sphere, the increase of the population and of activities linked to industry and services generate new demands for power.
In this work, artist Carolina Caycedo investigates ideas of flow, assimilation, resistance, representation, control, nature and culture, with a critical look at the developmentalist infrastructural projects. A global analysis that considers everything from the local to regional scale is necessary to ensure that the perception of degradation processes does not remain only in the collective imagination. The barriers should stop being invisible and reach the tangible field of everyone who works in shaping the Brazilian urban space. Works like those of photographers Helena Wolfenson and Aline Lata, who document the bursting of the Bento Rodrigues dam in Mariana MG , shed light on the conflict between the natural and human ecosystems and raise awareness about the impacts on human life.
There is an ever-growing need to develop consciousness and mechanisms to prevent scenes like these to become increasingly frequent in Brazil. More knowledge is needed about the cycles of nature and our impact in them. Instead of being an unknown wall for the urban territory, they should be understood holistically by all the agents building the Brazilian cities: from the owners of the means of production and large tracts of land, to real estate promoters, the public power, social groups, and, not least, architects and urbanists.
Instead of geopolitical borders, the map emphasizes the physical natural barriers of significant impact. Carbon emissions from biomass loss are represented in red and yellow tones. The darker the area, the more intense the emissions. When in balance, the equatorial vegetation absorbs significant rates of carbon through photosynthesis, offsetting releases by decomposition. When it is cut down or substituted by agriculture, for example, the carbon concentration levels in the atmosphere increases, contributing to global warming.
This scenario is complemented by the accumulation of vapor in the air and the winds that transport them, thus regulating the rain cycle in South America. By highlighting natural elements distant from the urban environment but with significant impact on them, the map encourages architects and urbanists to developed a more global understanding of their territory of action.
Law Retrieved on: April 20, He is deeply involved in disseminating and popularizing science and with the agenda for sustainable development of the Amazon. Walls What characteristics of Western culture appear responsible for the stark segregation between natural and manmade landscapes? Westerners are enchanted with analytical capacity, abstract reasoning, fostered by the development of the left hemisphere of the brain, the only functional structure in nature that is exclusive to human beings.
Culturally, by cultivating this structure we separate ourselves from our own body and, in this way, from the environment, because the body does not exist outside of it. We have this detachment, while the native peoples of the Amazon, ancient peoples of Asia, are more playful and less rational.
They maintain their roots because the playful side is completely linked with the hypothalamus, to the animal brain, emotional and sensitive to what connects us to the environment. Evidence What are the best examples of this segregation on a global scale? And how does this take shape in the Brazilian context? Today, in the geological epoch of the Anthropocene, this disconnect with the environment leads humanity to modify the entire system, following a logic of positive feedback, powerfully multiplying the number of human beings on planet Earth.
Technology allows us to equal geological forces. On Earth, mankind has produced, in a very short period of time, the same stratigraphic markers as left by the impact of a massive meteor or processes that take millions of years. Indigenous people believe in spirits, and have no problem with what they cannot see.
The indigenous people view the forest, animals, the jaguar, with great respect. Brilliantly useful, fantastically intuitive, beautiful UI. Developers constantly update and improve. Easy and intuitive to use. New features frequently added. Just what you need. Not what you don't.
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