Ceramah ustaz azhar idrus mac 2014

There have been complaints that even those who have registered through the post office have not necessarily seen their vote on the electoral roll. There are 3. This decline in voter registration is more impactful in some places rather than others. While most of the lack of registration has occurred in urban areas and among young voters, states such as Sabah and Selangor have been most affected by this lack of voter registration. A second factor is the number, placement and composition of new voters. Kapar or Hang Tuah Jaya. Other seats have been affected by either significant registration in the seat by parties BN or opposition, e.

Tebrau or unexplained placement of voters in seats, e. Where these new voters are placed, and in line with how those areas have voted, suggest potential inclinations for voting. Questions are raised in some of these areas about the origin of these voters as well, e. Third, is the issue of advance military and police personnel with their spouses and postal votes traditionally overseas voters but now expanded. In , 23 seats or These votes are equally important this time around, as advance votes comprise around , voters.

What distinguishes GE14 is the expansion of categories of postal voters. These changes have taken place in an environment where access to the voting roll has been more restricted, with soft copies not readily accessible and addresses of voters crucial for assessing reliability have not been listed in the final version. These changes have also taken place in a process where it has become harder to challenge the voting roll, as charges of RM10 have been imposed for questioning one individual voter and if the objection is rejected a penalty up to RM is imposed.

A word of caution as you read ahead. This analysis is an estimate , based on past voting rather than what might happen next week. It does not include the potential effect of postal votes as this information is not yet available. The findings show that a substantive level of calculation and broad scope changes have taken place in the electoral terrain.

This is a significant advantage for the BN, as the changes have largely occurred in competitive marginal seats. The opposition has also had some areas not affected at all, e. Let me pull out a few from above that have not received much attention in analyses to date. Not only does he have the taint of being Felda chairperson amidst its scandals, he now has a less favourable seat to contest in as a result of movement of voters outside of the new boundaries. Consider Stampin in Sarawak. This seat has become more competitive for BN this election as a result of the removal of around 18, voters during the delineation exercise.

The delineation factor was also critical in the BN win for Sim in the state elections. These seats remain highly competitive. This seat, for example, has long been accused of having illegal voters registered. The list is long, as the changes are comprehensive and deep. How then should we assess these potential effects?

On the one hand, it would seem that the BN has done whatever it can to put itself in the most advantageous position. It is has done so openly and with more additional opaque measures, arguably the most comprehensive attempt to skew the electoral terrain to its advantage. The full extent of the electoral impact of the changes is not yet fully clear. Bandar Kuching. If these assumptions prove not to pan out as expected, BN is vulnerable.

BN is also dependent on people carrying out the measures to make these changes effective, e. Given the fluidity in GE14, and the anger at Najib himself within the system, these cannot be guaranteed for his government, although the incentive of money inside the system is strong. The fact that the Najib government has introduced the breadth of changes it has, undermining the electoral integrity and skewing the electoral field to such an extent, is not a sign of strength but weakness.

It remains to be seen whether the imbalances in the system will reach a tipping point that has the potential to backfire on Najib himself. Malay respondents who preferred Harapan or PAS are tied at 15 percent, while Taken together, Rafizi said at least 7. Overall, when other ethnic groups are taken into account, Rafizi said 29 percent of respondents preferred Dr Mahathir Mohamad as Prime Minister, while When all the respondents were asked if they were confident that there will be a change in government, The telephone survey, which involved 1, verified voters selected through random stratified sampling, was conducted after the dissolution of Parliament.

With Dr. Of course, Islamism and Bumiputraism do not necessarily oppose each other, and in some cases there are overlaps. Such crisscrossing and fluidity of Malay Muslim politics makes this GE14 highly unpredictable. Instead of a dichotomy between Islamism and post-Islamism, the various spectrums of political Islam are results of entanglements between democratisation and Islamisation processes in Muslim societies. With the diversity and complexity of political Islam across the different regions of Malaysia, there are political parties, non-government organisations, and popular preachers competing to win over urban Muslim support.

We should not assume that there is a clear-cut divide between rural and urban Muslims, or that urban Muslims are a monolithic entity—there are differences depending on educational background and socio-economic status. Besides Kelantan, Terengganu and Kedah, Selangor is another state where PAS has a strong base among Muslims, with support from blue-collar workers to the middle class and professionals.

In order to engage with its middle class and youth members, as well as to win over support from a broader set of pious Muslims, PAS leadership knows its religious credentials alone are not enough. A vote for PAS is akin to a ticket to heaven. Former PAS and IKRAM leaders might have different opinions on the kind of Islamism Amanah should represent, but they in general agree that the party is endorsing a more inclusive and progressive Islamic agenda, as well as focusing on substance instead of form.

Because of this, Amanah leaders advocate Maqasid Syariah, a concept that highlights Islamic values such as social justice, good governance, and multicultural co-existence. But Amanah has been running extensive campaigns on social media to win over pious Muslims while seeking allies in broader Malaysian society. Often overlooked as a party with Islamic credentials is PKR. The right-wing Malay Muslim movement has a growing base of young professionals. These three tarbiyah and dakwah organisations have, in different ways, been influenced by the ideology of the Muslim Brotherhood. Closely associated with Anwar Ibrahim, ABIM has gone through different political engagements at different times over the years.

ABIM has taken a moderate approach to political Islam, balancing between global Islamic aspirations with local traditions. IDE promotes the idea of Maqasid Syariah and claims that the Selangor government is implementing Islamic values with its good governance. It is important to note that caretaker prime minister Najib Razak is also claiming that the federal government is fulfilling Maqasid Syariah. What constitutes Maqasid Syariah, and how this has been deployed by different groups and for different reasons deserves further analysis. It has developed close relationships with non-Muslims in various social movements such as Bersih 2.

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Pnc app fingerprint android. Radio 3 download. Obverse: Crowned bust surrounded by inscription Victoria Queen. Reverse: Face value, country and date surrounded by wreath. Coin minted in and made of Royal title changed to Victoria Empress in coin shown here British trading posts in India were first established by the East India Company EIC early in the seventeenth century, which quickly evolved into larger colonies covering a significant part of the subcontinent. Early settlements or factories included Masulipatnam and Madras in the south, Surat in the west, and modern-day Kolkata —99 in the east.

In , the EIC adopted a unified system of coinage throughout all British possessions in India and the older Presidency system was discontinued. The word "Gurkani" derived from "gurkan", a Persianized form of the Mongolian word "kuragan" meaning "son-in-law",[6] as the Timurids were in-laws of the line of Genghis Khan,[7] founder of the Mongol Empire. Members of the Timurid dynasty were strongly influenced by the Persian culture[2][8] and established two significant empires in history, the Timurid Empire — based in Persia and Central Asia and the Mughal Empire — based in the Indian subcontinent.

Origins The origin of the Timurid dynasty goes back to the Mongol tribe known as Barlas, who were remnants of the original Mongol army of Genghis Khan,[2][9][10] founder of the Mongol Empire. A multi-talented polyglot, he was the author of the first grammar of the Urdu language, Darya-e-Latafat. His son Insha was born in Murshidabad. In , he joined the army of Mirza Najaf Khan, and later gained access to the royal court. In , he joined the court of Mirza Sulaiman Shikoh a Mughal prince then l. Following his father's death in , Tengku Alam and his supporters made an active pursuit to his claims for the Kesang territory and was publicly proclaimed as the Sultan of Johor and Pahang with the regnal name of Alauddin Alam Shah during his marriage ceremony in The proclamation briefly alarmed Maharaja Abu Bakar, who feared that his political position may be threatened.

Within the same year, a brief civil war erupted in Jementah, after repeated attempts to get his claims to the Kesang territory being recognised failed. When the Sultan died in , he nominated Tengku Mahmud to inherit the Kesang territory. It was commissioned in by the Mughal emperor, Shah Jahan reigned from to , to house the tomb of his favourite wife, Mumtaz Mahal. It also houses the tomb of Shah Jahan, the builder.

The tomb is the centrepiece of a hectare acre complex, which includes a mosque and a guest house, and is set in formal gardens bounded on three sides by a crenellated wall. Construction of the mausoleum was essentially completed in but work continued on other phases of the project for another 10 years. The construction project employed some 20, artisans unde.


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Beecham House is a British historical period drama television series set in ,[1] created by Gurinder Chadha. The series, set in Delhi before British rule, depicts the lives of the Beecham family in their newly-bought house. The school was established on 16 June on the grounds which was formerly Sultan Alam Shah School in which the latter was relocated to Putrajaya. However, just several months after its 40th anniversary celebration, SAS was relocated to a new modern school complex in Putrajaya. The Education Ministry then did not take long to make use of the still largely operational old premises.

On 16 June a new school came into being on the site whilst still carrying the name of the fifth Selangor Ruler, the Alam Shah Science School. The atmosphere is natural with old trees left un. It was also carved on his seal and stamped on the coins minted during his reign. Very elaborate decorated versions were created for important documents that were also works of art in the tradition of Ottoman illumination, such as the example of Suleiman the Magnificent in the gallery below.

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The first tughra belonged to Orhan I — , the second ruler of the Ottoman Empire and it evolved until it reached the classical form in the tughra of Sultan Suleiman the Magnificent — Every year on the Independence day of India 15 August , the Prime Minister hoists the Indian "tricolour flag" at the main gate of the fort and delivers a nationally broadcast speech from its ramparts here. The Red Fort is a historic fort in the city of Delhi in India.

Every year on the Independence day of India 15 August , the Prime Minister hoists the Indian "tricolour flag" at the main gate of the fort and delivers a nationally broadcast speech from its ramparts. On each subsequent Independence Day, the prime minister has raised the flag and given a speech that is broadcast nationally. Lal Kot, the red coat, which was the first built city of the present Delhi region.

It was founded by the ruler of Tamar ruler Anang Pal in It was built in , after Sikh military leader Baghel Singh Dhaliwal — captured Delhi, on 11 March , and his brief stay in Delhi, led to the construction of several Sikh religious shrines within the city. Prior to that, a mosque had been built near the spot; eventually later Mughal emperor Shah Alam II gave the permission to build a Gurdwara sahib there. He deployed the rockets against advances of British forces and their allies during the Anglo-Mysore Wars, including the Battle of Pollilur and Siege of Seringapatam. He also embarked on an ambitious economic development program that established Mysore as a major economic power, with some of the world's highest real wages and living standards in the late 18th century.

Mughal troopers and their various contingents were under the command of Zain Khan Sirhindi. After the conquest of Delhi by that Monarch, he held the Subahdarship of Sirhind. In Ahmad Shah Durrani's reign, Zain Khan, one of the leading men in the Mohmand tribe and the ancestor of the Morcha Khel section, was recognized as Khan of Lalpura, and had 12 villages made over to him. Baghel Singh c. He rose to prominence in the area around Sutlej and Yamuna.

Shah Alam II

In , Singh became the leader of the unit. On disintegration of the Mughal Empire in the second half of the 18th century, due to Afghan incursions under the Pashtun leader, Ahmad Shah Durrani Abdali , Sikh influence in the north of India increased. Singh took possession of part of the Jalandhar Doab and established himself at Hariana, near Hoshiarpur.

Soon after the Sikh c. Oudh, the now obsolete but once official English-language name of the state, also written historically as Oude, derived from the name of Ayodhya. As the Mughal Empire declined and decentralized, local governors in Oudh began asserting greater autonomy, and eventually Oudh matured into an independent polity governing the fertile lands of the Central and Lower Doab.

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The capital of Oudh was in Faizabad, but the British Agents, officially known as "residents", had their seat in Lucknow. The Nawab of Oudh, one of the richest princes, paid for and erected a Residency in Lucknow as a part of a wider programme of civic impro. His mother and grandmother were the begums of Oudh. Reign Asaf-ud-Daula became nawab at the age of 26, on the death of his father, Shujauddaula, on 28 January The widow and mother of the deceased prince claimed the whole of this treasure under the terms of a will which was never produced. When Warren Hastings pressed the nawab for the payment of debt due to the British East India Company, he obtained from his mother a loan of 26 lakh 2.

He was the disciple and the spiritual successor of Moinuddin Chishti as head of the Chishti order, and the person to whom the Qutb Minar, Delhi is dedicated. Before him the Chishti order in India was confined to Ajmer and Nagaur. He played a major role in establishing the order securely in Delhi. The Urs was held in high regard by many rulers of Delhi like Qutbuddin Aibak, Iltutmish who built a nearby stepwell, Gandhak ki Baoli for him, Sher Shah Suri who built a grand gateway, Bahadur Shah I who built the Moti Masjid mosque nearby and Farrukhsiyar who added a marble screen and a mosque.

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Sarai Kale Khan is a village in Delhi. The sarai itself named after a Sufi saint, Kale Khan of 14th—15th century, whose resting place along with that of another Sufi saint of Delhi, resting place of Hazrat Roshan Khan is today situated inside the Delhi Airport complex. In his youth, he conspired to overthrow his father Aurangzeb, the sixth Mughal emperor, and ascend to the throne. Shah's plans were intercepted by the emperor, who imprisoned him several times. From to , he was governor of Akbarabad later known as Agra , Kabul and Lahore.

After Aurangzeb's death his eldest son by his chief consort, Muhammad Azam Shah, declared himself successor, but was shortly defeated in one of the largest battles of India, the Battle of Jajau and overthrown by Bahadur Shah. During the reign of Bahadur Shah, the Rajput states of Jodhpur and Amber were annexed again after they declared independence few years ago.

Shah also sparked an Islamic controversy in the khutba by inserting the declaration of Ali as wali. His r. Mughal era illustration of Pir Ghazi of Bengal , during the 18th century. A silver rupee struck in the name of Shah Alam, probably issued by some Princely State. The respect toward the house of Timur is so strong that even though the whole subcontinent has been withdrawn from its authority, that no ordinary prince ever intends to take the title of sovereign Delhi, Past and Present , p.

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Ikram A Century of Political Decline: —". In Ainslie T. Embree ed. Muslim Civilization in India. New York: Columbia University Press. Retrieved 5 November Dictionary of Indo-Persian Literature , p. Sharma 1 January Mughal empire in India: a systematic study including source material.

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Retrieved 30 March Bihar and Orissa District Gazetteers Patna. Concept Publishing Company. Retrieved 27 July Imperial Gazetteer of India vol. IV , p. Rathod - Google Books.